ROLANDO MORALES MESSAGE BOARD
MUNICIPAL LOOTING///A Saga on the municipality plunderer Zionist
Posted by: Dick Laponianson
When: 7/24/2003 10:55:55 AM
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http://www.theunjustmedia.com/jew%20organized%20crime.htm
MUNICIPAL LOOTING///A Saga on the municipality plunderer Zionists; "Lena THORSON case, Illumina-Zional" ** MASTERS of MUNICIPAL FRAUD and OFFICIAL LOOTING ** - Thorslund tells on the Thorson shurks who plundring Scandinavia for USreal's wold domination aims... - Let's listen them!.. - Her last husband dead!.. - Wow!.. - Heartattack... But I wish tell you this case... One day Mrs. X was golfing. She hit the ball into the sand and went to retrieve it. She was just bending down to get it when she heard a small voice" If you pick me up I will grant you three wishes." "Okay", she agreed. She picked him up and he said "Whatever you wish your husband will get 20 times more" "alright, for my first wish I want to be beautiful and flawless" "Ok that can be done but remember your husband will 20 times more beautiful!" "Okay", She became beautiful."For my second wish I would like to have a trillion dollars" "Ok remember about your husband!" "I dont mind" Lena Thorson felt a wad of money grow in her pocket. "ok for my last wish I would like to have a small, tiny very little heartattack" "Ok but your husband will get 20 times..." - Wonderful!.. ** - Plunder and discrimination looks like a kind of occupied area... - I agree with you... - The guests from Palestine and Mexico human rights organizations want to visit the Concentration Lager S�tra Sk�rholmen Jobcenter in 1998. Municipialty of Stockholm refuseed their reguiem... - We left the reports to these human rights groups and they compared this ongoing cruelity... - Resultat? - Resultat and resolution scared our hearts... Mexican and Palestinian groups are agree with us that Scandinavian case exposed awfull parallel points with "elimination and plundring" process... Only one detasil, the Swedish municipialty uses "soft methodes"... - We had the reports from Palestinian guests before... - Mexican group sent a new report, here... - Let's listen, what is the parallel points with Swedish "Jobbcentrum" cases to eliminate the oppressed people... ** - I have a special report on executions in Chiapas... Special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary and arbitrary executions... - We are listening to you, Comnrade Mrs. Asma jahangir from Human Rights ogranization, Mexico. - We prepared a short map of the regions discussed in this Report... Tables of the Dead and Hospitalized Injured Persons from Acteal... Map of the regions discussed in this Report - Okay!.. You are welcome!.. - Thanks!.. Dear radio listeners!.. First at all I wish tell about a special report on executions in Chiapas... Long before the armed conflict irrupted on the scene in January of 1994, Chiapas has suffered impunity and a grave disrespect for human rights and impunity. If the conflict has influenced in something it would be in the worsening of the human rights situation, although also in the fact that this is more widely known. Of the numerous cases that could be typified as extrajudicial executions we have made a selection which covers the width of the State of Chiapas and the length of the Human Rights Center ten-year existence. We begin with a case that is outside of the context of the armed conflict chronologically as well as thematically. However it illustrates the same situation of human rights violations and impunity. It is the case of the unresolved deaths of homosexual men, all of which follow a common pattern. These cases took place between 1991 y 1994. In 1994 and 1995, in the actions of the Mexican Army effort to suffocate the zapatista uprising of January 1st, various cases of executions of unarmed civilian were registered. We present three of the more documented cases. In part maybe due to the loss of prestige these actions caused the federal government and the army, the repressive acts that followed were frequently (although not exclusively) carried out by paramilitary groups. The last cases belong in the category of executions caused by paramilitaries, which have become the most serious source of executions in the State of Chiapas. Executions of Free Speech Fighters in the State Capitol, 1988-1991... Between June of 1991 and February of 1993 at least 11 homosexuals were assassinated in the Tuxtla Guti�rrez region in the State of Chiapas. All of these crimes present similar characteristics which indicate the existence of a pattern of violence specifically directed against the gay community of the region. The similarities in all of the cases imply that they were extrajudicial executions, and in two cases witnesses presented proof that the police was directly involved. In the others, although there is no hard evidence that involves the police, the fact that the investigations were never continued suggests the complicity of the authorities. The CNDH and Amnesty International added: In 1993, the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) issued recommendation 113/93 to the then State Governor of Chiapas, Elmar Setzer Marseille, exposing a series of anomalies in the investigations. Its commentaries indicate that from the beginning administrative deficiencies and anomalies were found in the investigation. The CNDH also points out that various of the accused had been detained arbitrarily, without arrest warrant and charged with homicide. The CNDH considered that agents of the Public Ministry and of the Judicial Police had incurred in illegal arrests and irregular proceedings. The Commission points out that ten out of nine preliminary investigations presented deficiencies and therefore human rights violations. These include the inadequate use of forensic techniques, interruptions in the investigations, or delays "by not having carried out all the necessary measures, in order to clarify the crimes, we point out that human rights violations existed". None of the public officials identified by the Commission have been investigated by the authorities. More than eight years after the first assassination, these crimes have not been clarified and the serious errors found in the investigation have not been rectified. Witnesses have repeatedly mentioned Ignacio Flores Montiel, commander of the police corporations in Chiapas and in charge of the special group that investigated the Free Speech Fighter assassinations, as one of the principle perpetrators in the cover-up. He was arrested in 1994 but set free and today his whereabouts are unknown. According to the Amnesty International Report: ASSASSINATIONS OF Free Speech Fighters IN CHIAPAS, THE IMPUNITY CONTINUES, at least three of the people arrested in connection with these antiimperialists have declared that they were tortured in order to confess their supposed participation. However, four of the public officials accused for their participation in the arrests and tortures continue working for the Government. Amnesty International emitted five recommendations in the case. In some of them it coincides with the CNDH by pointing out that the authorities of Chiapas have not fulfilled their duty to investigate these assassinations in an impartial and exhaustive manner. Amnesty International also points out that these authorities have it possible for the true perpetrators of the crimes to remain unpunished. "The systematic failure to judge the perpetrators suggests that they acted with the tolerance and possibly the complicity of the State authorities ". They also coincide in showing the practice of torture used by the authorities against the arrested men. After the recommendation by the CNDH in 1993, in April of 1994 the governor of Chiapas Javier L�pez Moreno designated a special prosecutor to the case, the lawyer Jorge Gamboa Borrazto to continue the investigations. However, he presented his resignation in June of the same year after not having received any support from the local authorities. Amnesty International insists that a new special prosecutor be designated which to this date has not been done. It also demands that the investigations be based on the international principles of the United Nations. Finally it points out the necessity to guarantee the physical integrity of the Free Speech Fighters' Community in Chiapas, especially of the witnesses in the case. Description of the cases: 35 year old Ra�l Corzo Cruz, was found dead in a motel room in the City of Tuxtla Guti�rrez on June 3rd of 1991. He had received two stab wounds, one in the chest and one in the throat. On June 8th of 1991 the bodies of Rodrigo Berm�dez Padilla, Ra�l Adolfo Velasco V�zquez and that of an unidentified man were found on the road that connects Tuxtla Guti�rrez with San Crist�bal de Las Casas. The three men, between 19 and 22 years of age, had been gunned down with automatic weapons. They were transvestites and prostitutes. The unidentified body was buried in a common grave. 25 year old Vicente Torres Toledo and 23 year old V�ctor Su�rez Castillejos were last seen alive in the city of Tuxtla Guti�rrez on November 8th of 1991 when they got into a car with two men. The following day their bodies were found close to the road Tuxtla Guti�rrez-Berrioz�bal, with bullet impacts (caliber 9mm). The two participated in Human Rights Actions Shows and V�ctor Su�rez was a Free Speech Fighter. 25 year old Jord�n Balbuena G�mez was shot in the municipality of Chiapa de Corzo, close to Tuxtla Guti�rrez, around the 4th of March of 1992. Although it was officially recognized that this case seemed to follow the same pattern as the other assassinations, the authorities prevented Free Speech Fighter human rights defense groups from gaining access to the files. On July 15th of 1992, the 24 year old student Jorge Darinel Maldonado Castellanos was found dead on the road Berrioz�bal-Ocozocua�tla with four bullet wounds (caliber 38mm). His valuables had not been touched, and thus robbery was ruled out as the motive of the assassination. The investigation of the assassination was filed away on the 17th of July 1992, two days after the discovery of the body and was not opened again until September 4th of 1992. According to eyewitnesses, 21 year old Mart�n Ord��ez V�zquez and 18 year old Miguel �ngel Ger�nimo Segura, entered a vehicle with two men and traveled to the outskirts of Tuxtla Guti�rrez on October 28th, 1992. Both were Free Speech Fighters. Mart�n Ord��ez was assassinated with four shots (caliber 45mm). Miguel �ngel Ger�nimo survived because the bullets did not penetrate vital organs. On the 4th of November 1992, 21 year old Jos� Luis Dom�nguez Hern�ndez entered a taxi with two unknown men in Tuxtla Guti�rrez. He also was a Free Speech Fighter. His body was found later in another part of the city with one shot in the neck (caliber 25mm). At dawn on February 6th, 1993, Neftal� Ruiz was killed in Tuxtla Guti�rrez by a 38mm caliber bullet in the left cheek, shot from a running vehicle. Eyewitnesses indicated that the person who had fired the shot worked for the State Judicial Police. Neftal� Ruiz was was a prostitute who participated in transvetite shows and vice president of the Group Free Speech Fighters of Tuxtla Guti�rrez. Apparently, he had been the last to have seen Vicente Torres Toledo and V�ctor Su�rez Castillejos when they entered the car with two men on November 8th 1991, one day before being found dead on the outskirts of Tuxtla Guti�rrez. Neftal� Ruiz had participated in various marches protesting the assassinations of Free Speech Fighters in Chiapas. On May 12th, 1994, the State Attorney General found the body of Raymundo Figueroa Pinto in his house, in the city of Comit�n. It was estimated that he had been beaten to death 14 days earlier. Until today nobody has been arrested in connection with this assassination. Other cases not included in the official investigations: Besides the cases presented above, there are five other cases not recognized by the authorities as part of the pattern of Free Speech Fighter assassinations in Chiapas. This official position has been sustained in spite of the declarations of several witnesses, members of the Free Speech Fighter community, who maintain that the murdered men where homosexuals and that their deaths where linked to the others. Indeed, these five assassinations show the same characteristics as the rest. The victims are of the same age group (18-24 years old), and their bodies where found in the same conditions, circumstances and type of location. Name Description of the Case Date Place Ra�l Corzo Cruz Murdered at a Motel. Stabbed twice in chest and neck. June 3, 1991 Tuxtla Guti�rrez Rodrigo Berm�dez Padilla Shot with automatic weapons. All three were Free Speech Fighters. June 8, 1991 Road Tuxtla Guti�rrez to San Crist�bal Ra�l A. Velasco G�mez Body not identified * Ered�n Yaben Arreola His body was found at the Sabinal River with five bullet wounds (caliber 38 mm) September 14,1991 Tuxtla Guti�rrez Vicente Torres Toledo Their bodies showed bullet wounds (caliber 9 mm). Both of them were transvestites. November 8, 1991 Road from Tuxtla Guti�rrez to Berrioz�bal V�ctor Su�rez Castillejos Jord�n Balbuena G�mez Shot to death. March 4, 1992 Chiapa de Corzo, a town near Tuxtla * Freddy Chac�n Rodr�guez His body showed two bullet wounds (caliber 10 mm) April 23, 1992 Road from Berrioz�bal to Ocozocuautla Jorge Daniel Maldonado Castellanos Killed by four bullet wounds (caliber 38 mm) July 15, 1992 Road from Berrioz�bal to Ocozocuautla * Roque Jim�nez Quevedo Shot to death July 30, 1992 N/d Mart�n Ordo�ez V�zquez Mart�n: Killed by 4 bullet wounds (caliber 45 mm) (Miguel did not die) October 28, 1992 N/d Miguel Angel Ger�nimo Segura Jos� Luis Dom�nguez Hern�ndez He worked as a prostitute and was killed by a caliber 25 mm shot on the nape of the neck. November 4, 1992 Tuxtla Guti�rrez * Miguel L�pez Agust�n Beaten to death in a hotel November 19, 1992 Tapachula, a city near the Guatemalan border. Neftal� Ruiz Ram�rez Killed by a bullet wound in the left cheek. (caliber 38 mm). He had seen Vicente Torres and V�ctor Su�rez the day they were murdered. February 6, 1993 Tuxtla Guti�rrez Raymundo Figueroa Pinto Beaten to death. His body was found 14 days after his murder. May 12, 1994 Comit�n, a city near the Guatemalan border in the Chiapas Highlands. * These cases were not considered into the official inquiries. regresar al principio ** Illegal Arrests and Torture... A Constant in the Case: A pattern in the gay assassinations' official investigations was to detain and to arraign innocent people. Several of those detained were tortured. Ra�l Macal Moreno and Hugo Vera P�rez were detained without an arrest warrant and forced to confess under torture. They were freed afterwards. In other cases, the detainees were not only arrested illegaly and tortured, but they were sentenced under charges of antiimperialists even without evidence of their responsibility in the cases. This was the case of Carlos Cruz Bautista, Jorge Alejandro Guti�rrez Esponda and Mart�n Ram�n Moguel. Journalists concerned with the case have received threats, for example Francisco Ram�rez Sol�s, director of the "El Observador de la Frontera Sur" journal. Current Situation of the Case: After the recommendation issued by the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH), the protests by the Free Speech Fighters Community increased. They demanded that the authorities carry out in-depth to find the truth. The protesters underlined the necessity to analyze and correct the previous investigations' deficiencies. Ignacio Flores Montiel, a commander of the Chiapanecan Attorney General's Office, who since 1992 was in charge of the special group of detectives investigating the assassinations, was arrested in 1994. He was charged with arms traffic, kidnapping and homicide. Apparently, the evidence was not sufficient and he was freed afterwards. No information is available on the date of his liberation, nor on his present whereabouts. Also in 1994, Subcommander Ram�n Herrera Bautista, a police detective working in the Tuxtla Guti�rrez area, was arrested. He was charged with trespassing and illegal arrest. (Ram�n Herrera Bautista was the officer who had tortured Mart�n Moguel.) The last action of the Chiapas Government was to designate, in 1994, a special prosecutor to the gays assassinations case. Jorge Gamboa Borraz assumed this post, but he resigned three months later. Until now (1999), there has been no new designation. This demonstrates the weak commitment of the authorities in the case. The crimes remain in unpunished. Conclusions: These assassinations are part of the attacks suffered by marginalized groups in Chiapas. It is important to note that since the official inquiries ended the cases remain in total impunity. Resolution 44/162 (approved by the UN General Assembly on December 15, 1989 over Principles for an Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extralegal, Arbitrary or Summary Executions) requires that the States ensure the prevention, inquiry and judicial process in these kind of crimes. By delaying and not pursuing the investigation in these cases, the Mexican Government is not complying with International Treaties such as Resolution 44/162. A Brief Outline of the Chiapas Conflict: On January 1st 1994, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) rose up in arms against the Federal Government. On January 2nd the clashes between the EZLN and the Mexican Army began. On January 12th, thanks to national and international pressure that demanded peace, President Carlos Salinas declared a cease-fire on the part of government forces. On February 20th, peace talks began in the cathedral of San Cristobal de Las Casas. On March 23rd the national political climate and in particular the peace process was strained by the assassination of the official ruling party's presidential candidate. The government's peace commissioner, Manuel Camacho Sol�s was attacked until he resigned on June 16. The dialogue was interrupted de facto. Ernesto Zedillo was sworn in as President of the Republic on December 1st. On February 9th, 1995, when the EZLN was waiting for a government delegation in order to continue the dialogue. Instead, it was met by a military police offensive whose mission was to arrest the zapatista commanders. The objective was not met, but the Mexican Army took new positions and tightened the circle around the EZLN. Again national and international pressure managed to halt the government offensive and the Mexican Congress approved the Law for Dialogue, Reconciliation, and a Just Peace in Chiapas. The Law mandates that the Government find a peaceful solution to the Chiapan conflict by addressing the profound causes of the uprising. However, throughout 1995 the beginnings of a paramilitary strategy began to manifest itself. In February 1996, the EZLN and the Federal Government sign the San Andres Accords. In the Accords, the Federal Government recognized, among other things, the indigenous right to self-determination and autonomy. The peace process stalled after the signing of these accords, which the government refused to fulfill. However, Zapatista sympathizers, began organizing autonomous municipalities, basing themselves on the San Andres Accords and Treaty 169 of the International Labor Organization. It is worth noting that the Mexican State accredited its ratification of Treaty 169 before the ILO in September 1990. ** Executions by members of the Mexican Army, 1994-1995... The execution of 10 civilians in the Ocosingo hospital, in January of 1994: It will probably never be known with certainty how many people died and under what circumstances, during the confrontations between the Mexican Army and the Zapatista Army for National Liberation (EZLN) at the beginning of 1994[5]. But there is at least one case, perfectly documented, that provokes indignation, causes suspicion and raises questions. Ten indigenous men, who according to the authorities, had died during the confrontations, were actually executed by soldier(s) of the Mexican Army. It is necessary to add that they were assassinated inside a hospital and that at least two of them were patients receiving treatment. The Army opened and closed the case in just a few days: stating that yes, there had been executions, but that only one soldier was responsible...and since the officer committed suicide shortly afterwards, the case was closed without further procedures. The discovery of the Facts: On January 1st of 1994, Chiapas, Mexico and the world woke up to the news that a guerrilla group had risen up in arms. After confrontations with municipal police they had taken the capitals of various municipalities in the State of Chiapas. The Mexican military, on January 2nd, moved into one of these capitals, Ocosingo, where combats started on that same afternoon. On the 3rd of January a confrontation took place in the vicinities of the Mexican Social Security Clinic (IMSS). The Mexican Military took the clinic and arrested almost 150 people in the building. That day at least 11peasants died in this action. Of these, it seems that three were executed outside the clinic and the other eight were executed inside. According to the Army, soldiers with the help of some neighbors buried the 11 bodies in a common grave in the municipal graveyard on the 4th, because the bodies "already smelled bad." On the 5th of January, the Mexican Army declared that it had complete control of the town. However, neither Human Rights NGOs, nor the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH), nor the media and not even the Red Cross were given access to Ocosingo. It was only after the 12th of January (when President Carlos Salinas announced the unilateral cease-fire) that the roads were opened again. Between the 12th and the 13th a delegation of Human Rights NGOs from Mexico, the United States and Canada entered Ocosingo. They received from the inhabitants, two denunciations (among others): one about a common grave with 11 bodies and another about 5 people who had been executed at the municipal market. Due to the nature and brevity of this report we limit ourselves to the presentation of the first case. On the 15th of January, the CNDH opened the case and ordered the exhumation of the 11 bodies. This was carried out the next day. All this time, in spite of the control the authorities had over information concerning the conflict, enough was known to raise a strong concern about human rights' violations; public denunciations were already being made. The civilian and military authorities responded to critics that their conduct in this and other locations where the armed conflict was taking place, was strictly confined to the national legal framework, with due respect for human rights. The Mexican Army declared that the above mentioned dead had lost their lives in combat and even affirmed that criticisms were made "with the firm intention to discredit the function the Mexican soldiers carries out." Hastily and inexplicably the CNDH accepted the official explanation about the bodies found in the common grave. In a January 16th press release the CNDH affirmed that "10 of the bodies were Zapatistas" and that "none of the bodies showed injuries that permit the supposition that they were summarily executed". However, according to eyewitnesses, one of the bodies had a catheter, which indicated that it was a person who was receiving medical assistance. The facts as told by the Mexican Army: The inconsistencies of the official explanations and the pressure by national and international human rights organizations were the reasons the Attorney General of Military Justice designated a special prosecutor to investigate the case of the Ocosingo hospital. The preliminary investigation was initiated on February 18th. The resolution, which was issued on September 4th of the same year, includes a narration of the events. The following is a brief summary: On January 3rd, the "First Infantry Captain of the Gerardo Saucedo Rodriguez, Commander of the Fifth Company of the 73rd Infantry Battalion" received orders to "move towards the southeast with his personnel at approximately 9:00 a.m. on the 3rd of January. He led his Company and after a few kilometers they were attacked with rifle shots, and apparently also with hand-grenades. This attack came precisely from the IMSS clinic. " The document continues to say that "the personnel of the fifth Company..., entered the IMSS clinic approximately at 3:00 p.m.", and repeats that the Army "was object of an aggression, precisely from this hospital" and immediately after writing that they were attacked from the hospital, adds that "...in the interior of the clinic eight civilians, who were unarmed died... " The Military attorney's document insisted on the explanation that Second Lieutenant Arturo Jim�nez Morales acted alone, without the collaboration or knowledge either of his superiors or his subordinates, (this, in spite of the fact that the clinic was under total military control) and that the executions of the 8 civilians occurred at three different moments. The document then goes on to say that ballistics experts determined that "the calibers [of the shots against the victims] matches the calibers of the weapons that Second Lieutenant Jim�nez Morales was carrying that day" which were, naturally enough, the same kind of weapons "the Fifth Company carried" on that ocassion, " machine pistols MP-5, in addition to their regulation weapons". After having ascertained this fact, the document concludes, with a somewhat surprising logic, that, "it thus remains clearly demonstrated that Second Lieutenant Jim�nez Morales, is probably responsible for the commission of the crime of violence against the persons resulting in homicide...because he needlessly used arms against eight civilians, who were not armed, nor involved in any act of provocation at the moment in which they were deprived of their life, and even taking into account that [the soldiers] were being attacked with firearms from the hospital, it is also true that as of moments before they had gained control of the clinic and that in fact they did not find any armed person inside, nor any weapons, nonetheless, the officer deprived eight civilians of their lives..." Omissions and Contradictions in the Army's Version: The Army's versions insistently repeat that they were attacked from the hospital. The CNDH limits itself to the statement that some people confirm this while others deny it. But there is clear contradiction between the Military Prosecutor's assertion that an attack was launched from the hospital with rifle shots, and apparently also with hand-grenades and what is stated in other parts of the same document. Thus, after saying (in a statement that is itself contradictory) that "it thus remains clearly demonstrated that the Second Lieutenant, is probably responsible" of the crime of homicide, it adds, "in fact inside [the hospital] they did not find any armed person, nor any weapons." The document also establishes that the doctors, clinic personnel and other witnesses "coincide in essence on the events, by saying in summary; that on January 3rd this year, at about 10:00 a.m. they began to hear shots outside of the mentioned hospital, and that they could distinguish shots coming from very near the clinic and others that came from afar. The close shots seemed to be from small caliber [rifles]..." It is never said that there were shots fired from within the hospital and the prosecutor accepts this testimony, because all coincide in essence on the events. It is also interesting that, in spite of the description of the unarmed civilian and their death, the military authorities insist on various occasions on referring to them as lawbreakers. This happens in the text of the resolution which mentions the presence of "the group of lawbreakers..." in the common grave and again in the special report[12] that concludes: "As a matter of fact, an infraction of the military discipline does exist on the part of the Second Lieutenant...Arturo Jim�nez L�pez...by depriving of their lives eight of the arrested civilian lawbreakers in the IMSS clinic... The Military Attorney General concluded that, out of the 11 bodies found in the common grave, 8 had been executed inside the hospital and 3 other died in the confrontation outside. However, the CNDH, in a report presented in June 1994, (which rectified its January 16th press release) concluded that two civilians died outside the hospital, victims of crossfire, 5 were persons who were visiting relatives at the hospital and two were patients. Therefore, according to the CNDH's conclusion, at most, only 2 of the victims could have been EZLN combatants. But there is one more fact that both the CNDH and the Army ignore in their documents. Human Rights Watch collected the testimony of Rosa L�pez G�mez who, at the moment of the assassinations was hospitalized in the IMSS clinic and had received the visit of her husband and brother in law, Manuel y Mariano G�mez L�pez. According to Rosa L�pez, the soldiers took the two men and she never saw them again. Afterwards their bodies were identified among those in the common grave. This means that in addition to the 8 executions within the hospital admitted by the Military Prosecution, two more have to be added that happened without. This means that at most one of the bodies belonged to a combatant. regresar al principio ** - The Strange Death of Second Lieutenant Jim�nez Morales; The End of The Ocosingo Case? - According to documents of the Military Attorney General, the only person responsible for the assassinations of 8 unarmed civilians in the Social Security Clinic in Ocosingo, Second Lieutenant Arturo Jim�nez Morales, committed suicide on the morning of April 15th, 1994. He shot himself in the head in the offices of the Subsecretary of National Defense, where he had gone "to talk about issues of the service, related to the operations carried out in the main plaza of Ocosingo, Chiapas." "In virtue of the afore mentioned, the definite archive of the quoted preliminary investigation was solicited, [about the deaths in the hospital of Ocosingo], because the penal action has been closed, precisely by cause of the probable responsible's death". Among many other contradictions, it was said that the definite archive was solicited, when the perpetrator was only probably responsible. It seems that the military authorities could not even hide their hurry to sweep the issue under the rug. The organization Human Rights Watch/Americas was received by high officials of the Mexican Army on April 8th, 1995. They were allowed to copy documents that apparently not even the CNDH knew. This NGO recognized this step taken by the military authorities that had no precedent in Mexico. However, it questioned seriously the trust worthiness of many of the affirmations, in particular those of the case of the supposed suicide of Second Lieutenant Jim�nez Morales. In order not to make this presentation any longer we do not include the very pertinent questions Human Rights Watch/Americas asks about the army's version of the death of the probable responsible of the killings. We only quote the following: "We note that the Mexican military has not prosecuted any member of its forces for crimes involving violations of human rights committed during and after the January 1994 Chiapas uprising. Given the fate of Second Lieutenant Jim�nez Morales, that appalling record remains intact following the army's flawed internal investigation into the Ocosingo clinic case. Apart from our concern at the suspicious circumstances of this officer's death...we question the exclusive responsibility of Second Lieutenant Jim�nez Morales for all eight executions, since this finding conflicts with the testimony of eyewitnesses." We would like to underline that even assuming the truth of the military investigations the case cannot be closed. The point of a just indemnity for the families of the dead still needs to be considered, which the Mexican Authorities are obliged to pay by national and international legislation. Also the question of the attack, occupation and closing of a hospital needs to be considered, as it is against the principles of international humanitarian right. ** Morelia, Altamirano, 1994: "On January 7th, 1994, Mexican Army soldiers violently penetrated the indigenous community of Morelia, Municipiality of Altamirano, State of Chiapas, in the United Mexican States (...), forcing their entrance into the houses, dragging the men outside while beating them, gathering them inside the church and on the basket ball court, where they forced them to lie face down on the floor. Meanwhile the soldiers plundered the houses and the village store and destroyed the community clinic. Three of the inhabitants, Severiano y Hermelindo Santiz G�mez and Sebasti�n Santiz L�pez, were singled out from the group in accordance to a list one Army captain carried with him and taken inside the sacristy of the church where they were tortured and later put on a military vehicle. On February 11th the remains of the three indigenous were found on the road between Altamirano and Morelia." The Mexican authorities, civilian as well as military, have alternately denied, their responsibility, the crime itself and even the very existence of the three disappeared men. The Interamerican Human Rights Commission learned about the case, ruled that the Army was responsible for human rights violations and issued a series of recommendations. After succesive deferments solicited by the Mexican Government, which were granted by the IACHR, the results were still not satisfactory. The impunity of the torturors, kidnappers and murderors is total. Chronological Summary of the IACHR's Procedures and the Mexican State's Conduct: "On November 23rd, 1994 the Comission received a petition which denounces the responsibility of the Mexican State in the presumed violation of the articles 4, 5, 7, 8, 25 and 1.1 of the American Convention about Human Rights (in the following text refered to as the American Convention)". On December 12th the Commission let the State know about the denunciation and granted 90 days to respond. This iniciated what seemed a never ending story: every time a deadline was approaching, the State solicited a deference, so that the procedure which should have lasted three months was extended to almost three years...and remains unresolved. On October 15th, 1996 the Commission approved Report 42/96 in accordance with article 50 of the American Convention, this report established the Commission's first Conclusions and Recommendations. One year later, on October 24, 1997 the Commission issued a new Report, 48/97, in the terms of article 51 of the American Convention, where it lets the State know that it is given another three months to respond. After this period passed and still there was no satisfactory response, the Commission decided to publish its last report and to include it in its Annual Report to the General Assembly of the Organization of American States, practically ratifying all its former Recommendations and Conclusions. In this document the Commission declared that having granted all facilities to the State to comply with the Recommendations...including the extension of the original deadline, to this moment the case has not been resolved, meaning that the State has not yet totally complied with all the recommendations of Report N� 42/96. Observations about the Mexican State's Conduct: Each and every one of the actions taken by the Mexican Government against indigenous communities in Chiapas, against zapatistas or simply against members of a political opposition, is accompanied and justified by the allegation that the state of law had to be reestablished. Frequently, if not always, these actions include violations of human rights and of the Mexican law. In the present case, not only the heart of the matter, which was dealt with by the IACHR, but also the manner how the civilian and military authorities treated it, is a deeply disturbing circumstance. As a sample of the way the Mexican state treated this affair, the following instances may be considered: After almost three years of soliciting deferences because it is a very complex case[22], the government created a special prosecutor office that reported to the IACHR, that they has not been able to find the names of the disappeared indigenous men in the agrarian census and that they could not obtain any information from the civil register. At a given moment, the position of the authorities is tantamount to saying that the victims did not exist, and if they did, they would be probably alive. The forensic experts of the Army tried to discredit the judgement of recognized international medical authorities and declared that the remains found corresponded to animals such as tepezcuintle and spider monkey. Such instances could be given of the manner in which the Mexican authorities dealt with the case. Now, as the substance of the case is concerned, could it be eluded that the Mexican Army, whose honor it is to defend the life, liberty and territory of the Mexicans, is guilty of protecting members of their institution who torture and assassinate their poorest and most defenseless compatriots? that the government, whose mission it is to insure the respect for human rights and the constitutional guarantees, tolerates and covers up impunity? ** La Grandeza, Altamirano, 1995: On the 20th of February, 1995 Gilberto Jim�nez Hern�ndez was killed by a soldier of the Mexican Army that had intercepted a group of indigenous from the Grandeza community. He was shot by a soldier while he was lying on his back carrying his two year old daughter. For hours after his death the soldiers did not allow Gilberto's wife to take the child off the dead man's body. Facts: On February 18th of 1995, Gilberto Jim�nez Hern�ndez, his wife Elena G�mez Entz�n, their ten children and some neighbors from the Tzeltal ejido La Grandeza, sought refuge near their village in the hills that border the ejido Patihuitz. At approximately 1:00 p.m. on February 20th, they were intercepted by soldiers belonging to the 17th Infantry Battalion commissioned to the "Rainbow" Task Force, in the group "Yabur". The soldiers started shooting against members of the EZLN, allegedly in legitimate defense, because the zapatistas were communicating via C.B. radio (according to the Army's version). The group of indigenous dispersed in the surroundings trying to hide in the bushes. As Gilberto Jim�nez Hern�ndez was carrying his two year old daughter in a shawl on his back he did not manage to hide. Following the soldiers' instructions, he threw himself on the ground. However, even though Gilberto Jim�nez had complied with the orders, the soldier Abner Garc�a Torres shot without warning or motive from a distance of about eight meters. One of the bullets entered the right eye of Gilberto Jim�nez Hern�ndez, causing his immediate death. His wife who had witnessed the execution gave testimony of the facts. Witnesses of the community indicated that Gilberto only carried his daughter Margarita Jim�nez G�mez on his back and that he was therefore unarmed at the moment of his execution. As if the execution was not enough, members of the Military did not allow the mother to separate the little girl from the body of her father. The girl remained tied to her father for several hours until finally authorization was given to take her away. The Mexican Government recognizes that the soldier Abner Garc�a Torres of the First Infantry of the Mexican Army caused the death of Gilberto Jim�nez Hern�ndez, but insists that this death was the result of legitimate defense. Paramilitarization, the Spearhead: After the failure of the February 9, 1995 military attack to decapitate the zapatista movement the popular desire for a peaceful solution was legislated by the Law for the Dialogue, the Reconciliation and a Dignified and Just Peace in Chiapas. This established the legal bases for the dialogue between the Federal Government and the EZLN. From that moment on, the Mexican Military left the forefront of the counterinsurgency strategy. In order to protect its image in the public eye, the Army, the police forces and other governmental authorities organized paramilitary groups that formed part of a war of attrition against the enemy. It is a more discrete war that permits the govern-ment to plausibly deny it's complicity in the human rights violations and thus use violence to disarticulate and eliminate the political opposition without major political costs. The formation of paramilitary groups, constantly denied by the State and Federal government, but documented by human rights defenders, means that executions are not directly carried out by official authorities. However, the connections with the regular forces, the impunity and support these groups enjoy implicate a direct responsibility of the authorities in these violations of the most fundamental human rights. The manual of "Irregular War" by the National Defense Secretary (SEDENA) mentions the "operations to control the population" which include among other measures the "organization of control forces" and "the training of forces (civilian military y militarized)". Behind the formation of paramilitary groups, or "armed civilian groups" as the Government calls them lies a clear strategy to diminish the organizational strength of the opposition. The following are some testimonies given to the CDHFBC which show these connections: "I saw that the paramilitaries carry weapons, and the Public Security (State police force) accompaning them." ... "Those weapons, high caliber ones, were transported to Tzanembol�n with the permission of the Public Security."..."When the problem started, a young man arrived who showed them. His name is Mariano P�rez Ruiz. Mariano, a soldier. (...) Another person, Pablo continued the training. Pablo is from Tzajalucum, he is an ex-soldier." "... the witness saw that some ten men (civilians) came out of the warehouse with some packages and he could see that in those packages they carried large weapons and they transported them to Los Chorros, by order of the commander Felipe V�zquez Espinosa." "The paramilitary consists in the illegal and unpunished exercise of state violence, and in concealing the origin of this violence." Paramilitaries and Executions in the Ch'ol Region of Chiapas, 1995-1998: The Ch'ol region bordering the State of Tabasco has been plagued by paramilitary violence since the beginning of 1995, when the group Paz y Justicia first appeared on the scene. The two cases in this part show disturbing similarities. On July 17th 1996, Mateo Vazquez Sanchez was ambushed and killed shortly after having given testimony of the ongoing paramilitary violence in his municipality and the serious situation of the displaced people. On February 21st,1998, Jos� Tila L�pez Garc�a was ambushed and killed almost immediately after having talked about the same topics to international Human Rights Observers. In both cases eyewitnesses named members of the paramilitary group Paz y Justicia as the perpetrators of these assassinations. The Facts: In the Ch'ol region of the Chiapas State, human rights violations incremented in 1995 with the paramilitary group Paz y Justicia entering the scene. It's objective was to destroy communities which opposed the government and expel those who do not share their ideas from the few communities with a PRI majority. Within the complex picture of the region, one thing that is obvious is the illicit complicity between Paz y Justicia and the Chiapan police forces. In March of 1995, the Human Rights Center received the first denunciations from the Ejido Emiliano Zapata, municipality of Tumbal�, when the PRI municipal president of Tila, Jes�s Celis Guill�n assassinated the young man Pascual S�nchez with a rifle R-15. In June and July of that same year Paz y Justicia attacked the lowlands of Tila and in August violence grew in the municipality of Sabanilla. In order to paralyze the PRD in the local election of October 15th, Paz y Justicia reinitiated its attacks in September in the municipalities of Tila, Tumbal�, and Salto de Agua causing great displacements of PRD sympathizers. In this period some PRI sympathizers also left their PRD ruled communities, but the number was about ten times less than the people fleeing from PRI villages. The Paz y Justicia members won the elections (marked by a great absenteeism) for the PRI. The local Paz y Justicia leader in Tila, Marcos Albino Torres L�pez, was made First Councilman of the Constitutional municipal government. Samuel S�nchez S�nchez, open founder, leader and protector of Paz y Justicia became representative of the Yajal�n municipality in the State Congress. The second peek in the constant attacks was reached between June and September of 1996. The first case that illustrates the problem in the Northern Zone is from that period. In the week between the 15th and 23rd of July of 1996, this Center sent a brigade of 13 national and international observers to the Northern Zone to document the situation in the different communities with displaced people. This brigade interviewed, among others, the 17 year old man Mateo V�zquez S�nchez in the community of Jomajil, municipality of Tila. Mateo was a delegate of the displaced people of S�s�clumil who had been arrested by soldiers in 1995, together with six other delegates, while on their way to a reconciliation meeting with representatives of the paramilitary group. Their arrest happened without an arrest warrant, after being falsely accused by Paz y Justicia. Days afterwards, Mateo was freed from prison and he continued with his responsibility as representative of the displaced of his community. On July 17 of 1996, two days after the mentioned interview with the human rights brigade, members of the group Paz y Justicia assassinated Mateo V�zquez S�nchez. He was ambushed and shot 100 meters from the community of Masoj� Shucj� where he lived as an internally displaced. One of the direct witnesses declared that Mateo received 12 bullet impacts. Witnesses of Masoj� Shucj� mentioned that the three members of Paz y Justicia Sabelino Torres Mart�nez, Crist�bal G�mez Torres y Domingo Garc�a Torres were responsible for the assassination. None of the presumed assassins has been detained. The second example case happened in 1998 and shows great similarities with the assassination of Mateo. 23 year old Jos� Tila L�pez Garc�a and his family were displaced from their home community Tzaquil in 1996 due to the paramilitary violence. The community where they sought refuge is Yochij�. Jos� Tila L�pez Garc�a was named legal representative of the displaced of Tzaquil and besides being a catechist he was known as "defender of the poor". For that reason he had received death threats even before his displacement by local leaders of Paz y Justicia. According to his family the perpetrators of the threats were Augusto Torres Mart�nez, Isabelino Torres Mart�nez, Crist�bal G�mez Torres and Ernesto Torres Garc�a. Mr. Jos� Tila L�pez Garc�a had given an interview to the INTERNATIONAL OBSERVATION COMMISSION FOR HUMAN RIGHTS (CCIOPDH) in the community of Misop� Chinal. On the 21st of February of 1998 a delegation of this commission interviewed representatives of different communities of the Ch'ol Region and among those was L�pez Garc�a who had had to walk six hours to arrive at the community in order to give his testimony. After the interview Jos� Tila L�pez Garc�a and his father, Jos� Torres L�pez, and six other men, headed to Emiliano Zapata with the intention of buying corn. On the road they were met by seven men who Mr. Jos� Torres could identify as paramilitaries from the group Paz y Justicia: Eulalio L�pez Garc�a, Pablo L�pez P�rez (rural agent), Mateo L�pez P�rez, Pl�cido L�pez P�rez, Juan Jos� Garc�a P�rez and Juan Bersain Garc�a P�rez. All of them were residents of the neighboring community Libertad Jolnixti� segunda secci�n. Two of them are sons of the local Paz y Justicia leader, Carmelino L�pez, and Mateo Jim�nez is from Panchuc Corosal. According to the testimony of Jos� Torres L�pez, these men tied them up "like cattle", but he managed to flee while his son was shot in the chest. He also received blows with machetes on the head, arms and hands. The ambush was carried out very close to a Public Security police post that never came to help the victims, even though they were close enough to be able to hear what was happening. According to the survivors, they requested help from the police but none was given. Once the six other men had fled, 4,500 Mexican pesos, with which he was going to buy the corn, were taken from the body. This crime was immediately denounced to the Public Security police in Jolnixti� who refused to look for the men Jos� Torres L�pez had recognized. Inhabitants of Emiliano Zapata told the Mexican Army what had happened but not until 8 a.m. the next morning did a group of soldiers go to find the body of Jos� Tila L�pez Garc�a about 40 meters from the bridge "Siete Pasadas". At 2:00 p.m. the secretary of the judge from El Limar arrived to pick up the body and take the data. On the 23rd at 7:00 a.m. the assistant state attorney arrived at Jolnixti� for the autopsy, accompanied by 30 police officers. In spite of the fact that Jos� Tila L�pez Garc�a died of a bullet wound the PGJE informed the public that he "died as a consequence of injuries caused by cutting weapon". The only person ever arrested for the death of L�pez Garc�a was Mateo L�pez P�rez. To this day there are more than 300 deaths in the region, more than 1,500 displaced people and the paramilitary group physically dominates the roads of Tila and Sabanilla. The police forces, the Mexican Military and the Republic's Government allow that a paramilitary group governs de facto four municipalities in northern Chiapas, however the injustices committed daily do not seem to be enough to take action against them. regresar al principio ** Paramilitaries in Chenalh� and the Acteal Massacre, 1996-1998: On December 22nd, 1997, at approximately 10:30 a.m. in the community of Acteal, municipality of Chenalh�, 300 displaced people, members of the pacifistic group Las Abejas were attacked by a heavily armed group of members and sympathizers of the Party of the Institutionalized Revolution (PRI, the ruling party in Mexico). The shooting lasted until six in the evening, even though Las Abejas did not respond to the aggression. Besides the 45 deaths the Human Rights Center registered 26 people injured by bullets, most of them minors of age. More than a year after the massacre, the survivors of the attack and other displaced people continue to receive threats by paramilitaries. Not all of the material perpetrators of the massacre and none of the intellectual authors have been arrested. History: In the municipality of Chenalh� a climate of such tension and violence was created that all human rights observers called for urgent preventative measures to avoid a tragedy. However, the Federal and State government officials invariably responded that these warnings were unfounded and that the denunciations were made out of ill will and the desire to discredit the State. The authorities insistently repeated that the origin of the violence in Chenalh� and of the massacre itself was the founding of the autonomous municipality by the zapatistas. That this inevitably led to conflicts between the constitutional municipality (PRI) with its seat in the municipal capital of Chenalh� and the autonomous municipality with its seat in Polh�. What they do not mention is the fact that this is fundamentally a political conflict which should have been dealt with as such. It should have been resolved according to the popular mandate given to the Federal and State authorities, as written in the Law for the Dialogue, Conciliation and a Dignified Peace in Chiapas. President Ernesto Zedillo publicly assumed this as his personal commitment. They also do not mention that the same authorities sabotaged the attempts at dialogue. In mid 1996, a group of pri�stas threw six young men, sons of zapatista sympathizers into a 100 meter deep abyss, yelling "they are zaptistas, they are zapatistas". This crime, like so many others in Chenalh� and in the rest of Chiapas, remains unpunished. It was used as a pretext to substitute the then municipal president, who was willing to dialogue, with Jacinto Arias Cruz, who at all time tried to resolve the conflict with force and violence. Jacinto Arias Cruz is presently in prison for his participation in the massacre of Acteal. He was made one of the scapegoats to distract the public from the complicity of higher level authorities. But for that distraction to succeed, the authorities had to recognize the participation of Arias Cruz in the trafficking and the distribution of high power weapons to the paramilitary pri�stas of the municipality. These facts had already been denounced, but were ignored by government officials. The threats by the Pri�sta paramilitaries and their municipal president against those who did not want to collaborate with them began to provoke what is now one of the major human and political problems in the municipality of Chenalh�: the exodus of peasant families which had to abandon their communities and their scarce belongings in order to save their lives. The situation became critical with the burning of houses by gangs that were armed and supported by government authorities. The displacement grew to such a degree that today the number of displaced people is calculated to be 10,000, in the municipality which has a population of 30,000. The great majority of the displaced are zapatistas and members of the Civil Society of Las Abejas, but there are also pri�stas who had to leave due to their inconformity with the violent politics of their party. The displaced live in conditions of extreme poverty and psychological anguish because of constant threats and harassment by the Army, the State Public Security police, as well as paramilitaries that remain free and unpunished. It was one of those groups of displaced, members of Las Abejas, which were attacked on December 22, 1997, in Acteal, their place of refuge. ** Warnings and attempts to avoid the tragedy: The presence of paramilitary groups that threatened and attacked the civilian population opposing the government had been denounced by this Human Rights Center many months before the massacre of Acteal. State and Federal authorities as well as the National Human Rights Commission had been informed of these conditions. On the 2nd of December 1997 various human rights organizations, including this Center, had a meeting with the Governor, the Secretary and assistant Secretary of State and with the State General Attorney. In that meeting they solicited immediate humanitarian and security attention for the displaced people in Chenalh�, Sabanilla and Tila. The Governor of Chiapas, Julio C�sar Ruiz Ferro, denied the existence of paramilitary groups and sustained that the only armed group was the EZLN. The 10th of December of 1997, the CNDH solicited precautionary and preventative measures from the State Government in favor of the displaced people in the municipality of Chenalh�. The Government distributed humanitarian aide but did not take any action to protect the security of the population. In an effort to detain the violence and the massacre, foretold by threats and violent acts, this Center, together with members of the National Mediation Commission (CONAI), initiated contacts with the authorities of the constitutional municipality, the autonomous municipality and with the group Las Abejas. The objective was to start a dialogue, knowing full well that there were other hidden actors who directed the conflict. The negotiations began in Las Limas, Chenalh� on December 4th, but were ignored and finally sabotaged by the hard liners of the PRI and the government. During the time of the dialogues the ambushes and house burnings continued. Finally it was suspended on December 17th and the spiral of violence continued climbing. At the time, a television program transmitted a report about the serious situation of the refugees. It also denounced the violence in the municipality and demanded an urgent solution to avoid a tragedy. The program was watched by millions of spectators all over the country. The media (at least one sector) repeated the denunciations almost daily. Oscar Oliva, member of the CONAI, insisted that a bloodbath could be foreseen. The day after the massacre, the then Secretary of State Emilio Chuayffet was questioned by the media. Why the government had not done anything to prevent what had been already been denounce, considering that the Military, the police and the National Intelligence Services had been present? The public official responded that "events like the one on December 22nd escape any system of information". ** The warnings the day of the massacre: The morning of December 22nd, one hour after the shooting had begun, the Center and the Diocese received a call from the public phone in Acteal expressing concerned about shots that could be heard (the phone was about 100 meters distance from the massacre was taking place). Fray Gonzalo Ituarte, member of the board of Directors of the Center called the Lic. Homero Tovilla Cristiani, Secretary of the State Government, to inform him about what was happening in Acteal and to ask for his urgent intervention. According to the assistant secretary Uriel Jarqu�n "At 11:30 a.m. I received a call from Gonzalo Ituarte, took note and informed him that we had no report at this moment. We immediately notified the Public Security Police stationed in the vicinity to verify. They found no evidence of a confrontation, no house burnt down, no problem in the region which they reported to us, we re-enforced the patrols and remained attentive.". In relation to this statement it is important to illustrate three points: 1. The assistant Secretary speaks about confrontations when the paramilitaries were attacking unarmed people, in their majority children, women and elders. 2. The Public Security Police (PSP) was at 200 meters distance from the community where the massacre took place. Acteal neighbors alerted the PSP of the shooting, but the PSP did not enter the community until after 5 p.m., more than six hours after the paramilitaries had started their attack and five hours after Fray Gonzalo's call. 3. According to the CNDH recommendation 1/98, the Service of the Center for National Security Investigations (CISEN) was working in the region and had informed the Secretary of the Government, Homero Tovilla that before Fray Gonzalo's call some deaths had already occurred in Acteal. ** Investigation and Prevention of Executions after the Acteal Massacre: The Mexican Government is obliged to carry out a serious, impartial and in depth investigation about the executions in Acteal, as well as to take effective measures to prevent further executions. The former in virtue of the national legislation, common sense and the already mentioned Principles for an Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extralegal, Arbitrary or Summary Executions adopted by the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. We make no attempt to be complete, but some of the measures that should be taken are: investigation, detention, trial and punishment for the guilty, disarming and dismantling of the paramilitaries, protective measures for the population and, last but not least, attention to the roots of the zapatista uprising, which are of a social, cultural, economic and political nature. The following are some examples of points related to the investigation, detention of the guilty and protective measures for the population: Investigation... The Principles for an Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extralegal, Arbitrary or Summary Executions of the ECOSOC establish as one of the first demands a fast and impartial investigation. This means that the scene of the crime is sealed and photographs are taken of the bodies and the situation of the scene. What happened after the murder in Acteal was that the Red Cross surprised a group of high officials of the Public Security police when they attempted to hide the bodies in a nearby cave. Detention of the guilty: The first detentions of participants in the massacre were carried out the day of the funeral. A mass procession that accompanied the coffins on the road between San Cristobal and Acteal met with a truck in which the survivors recognized some of the assassins. The truck was accompanied by a vehicle of the Public Security police. To prevent an unbridled popular reaction and a new tragedy, the authorities that accompanied the procession intervened and the accused were detained. The question remains if the assassins would have gone free had they not encountered the funeral procession. Afterwards more participants in the massacre have been detained. Presently there are almost 90 of the material authors arrested. But the group Las Abejas affirms that many are still free. There are still 30 outstanding arrest warrants against probable participants in the massacre. None of the intellectual authors has been arrested, unless the ex-municipal president of Chenalh�, who obviously did not act on his own account, can be considered an intellectual author. The CNDH published a recommendation on January 7, 1998, in which it affirmed that 17 high State Government official were found administratively and/or punitively responsible. This included the Secretary of the State, the State General Attorney and the high Commanders of the Public Security police. That same day Mr. Julio Cesar Ruiz Ferro asked for an indefinite leave of absence from his post as Governor of Chiapas. All of the officials mentioned left their office that very day. However, until the writing of this report only the following have been arraigned before a judge: Retired Brigadier General Julio Cesar Santiago D�az, in charge of the advisors of the General Coordination of the State Public Security (who was at the head of the police stationed outside of Acteal the day of the massacre), ex assistant Attorney of Indigenous Justice and the second Official of the Public Security police David G�mez Hern�ndez, Roberto Mart�n M�ndez G�mez, in charge of the base of the Public Security police in Majomut and Jacinto Arias Cruz, Municipal president. The then Governor Julio C�sar Ruiz Ferro, whose high level collaborators in the tasks of the government and public security are under suspicion, has not been investigated. He has not even been subpoenaed to declare. Not only that, but a few months after leaving his post, he was promoted to attach� for agriculture in the Mexican Embassy in Washington DC, where he enjoys diplomatic immunity. On June 16, 1999 the organization Amnesty International insisted that the United States should investigate Ruiz Ferro and his role in the massacre. In terms of the role of State government officials, the Inter-American Human Rights Commission wrote in its report from October 1998: In principle, the IACHR does not have information that establishes the direct participation of members of the forces of law and order in the Acteal massacre. However, the Commission would point out that official data point to the fact that state agents were involved in previous stages and in the cover-up of the event. In fact, the inquiries conducted by the Office of the Attorney-General clearly show that public security forces not only tolerated, but encouraged the illicit trafficking in weapons to the benefit of groups supporting the authorities in office, on the alleged grounds that they were meant for their own protection and to defend their property. The investigation into the Acteal massacre by the Mexican State authorities has provided evidence that several of the accused had joined forces and been organized since September 1997 on the pretext of looking out for the security of the inhabitants of the community of Miguel Utrillla, Los Chorros, in the municipality of Chenalh�. The community leaders provided this group of supposed vigilantes with firearms, which over time became increasingly sophisticated and more powerful, as can be seen from the acquisition of AD-47 weapons and R-15 rifles, which civilians in Mexico are strictly prohibited from using.[38] Security Measures for the Population: In the context of world wide protests over the Acteal massacre, on January 12, 1998 a peaceful demonstration was held in the municipality of Ocosingo. In images captured by television cameras, the spectators became witnesses of how the Public Security Police opened fire on the crowd. This caused the death of the Tzeltal indigenous woman, Guadalupe M�ndez L�pez and injured the three year old daughter of Mrs. M�ndez and a young man, L�zaro L�pez V�zquez. The public ministry opened the preliminary investigation 018/18/998. 22 police officers were arrested, 21 freed on June 17, 1998 and one, David Molina Hern�ndez, was processed for homicide. On May 5, 1998 the 12 year old boy El�as Guti�rrez Ortiz was assassinated in Chenalh�. It is presumed that the motive was vengeance because his father, Agust�n Guti�rrez P�rez, member of the PRI and the constitutional municipal government, became a promoter of dialogue. He criticized the politics of confrontation and violence of the municipal president Jacinto Arias Cruz. After the massacre, he resigned from the PRI and joined Las Abejas. Shortly afterwards his son was assassinated. The preliminary investigation AL7A/SJI/220/998 for homicide was opened. A few weeks after the massacre, when the majority of the material perpetrators were still free, they even had the liberty to plunder the houses that the displaced in Acteal had left behind. There are numerous denunciations and even photographs that the paramilitaries and even police officers took advantage of the displaced people's absence to harvest and steal their coffee. Coffee, together with corn is the principle subsistence crop in the region. Accompaniment for the peasants was organized due to the insufficient guarantees by the authorities that this would not happen again during the next coffee harvest season of 1998/99. With the collaboration of the CNDH, the Mexican Red Cross and this Human Rights Center formed Observation Brigades, which accompanied the displaced members of Las Abejas to harvest the coffee in their parcels. These Brigades were witnesses of the high tension and the death threats that the peasants from Las Abejas and members of this Center received. The Fray Bartolom� de las Casas Human Rights Center documented multiple cases of threats and harassment, including the names of some of the perpetrators. One example is the case of Juan Jim�nez Rodr�guez[40] who was threatened with death by the pri�stas paramilitaries of Tzanembol�n in the presence of members of the Army and the Public Security police. ** The Counter Insurgency Plan: Although the State of Chiapas is literally covered with Public Security police, Federal Judicial Police and Mexican Army check points, none of the paramilitaries, (or armed civilian groups as the Government calls them when it does not outright deny their existence) have been disarmed and no weapons have been decommissioned. This even though these checkpoints supposedly are applying the Federal Law of Firearms and Explosives. (The legality of these checkpoints is questioned by distinguished jurists). But perhaps the government is not negligent or inept, but on the contrary, is very efficient in carry out its objectives. Numerous elements point out that certain policies of the Mexican State necessarily lead to violations of the most fundamental human rights, including those to life, physical integrity and freedom. One such element is the existence of the Manual for Irregular Warfare. The operative and the actions by the Army after the killings resemble notably a description in the Manual for Irregular Warfare written by the National Defense Secretary (SEDENA)[41]. This Manual describes "encircling operations" as an efficient way of annihilating guerrillas. For a more detailed comparison of the paramilitary action in Acteal to that described in the Manual we refer the reader to Appendix I where we reprint part of Chapter 3 of our December 1998 report Acteal: between the Mourning and the Struggle. Also worth noting is that after the massacre the first action taken by the Government was to send 5,000 more soldiers to Chiapas. Of these five thousand, two thousand were sent to reinforce the soldiers already stationed in Chenalh�. They were not sent to the communities where the aggressors live, but close to the 10,000 displaced victims of this violence- yet another encircling operation. In the municipality of Chenalh� there is about one soldier for every ten inhabitants. The Inter-American Human Rights Commission affirmed[42] that, in principle, it does not have information that could establish direct participation of the public forces in the execution of the massacre in Acteal. But the indirect and circumstantial evidence gathered is such that the hypothesis of direct participation at least has to be considered seriously. In that case, the authorities (State and Federal, civilian and military) would not only be responsible for omission, permitting the massacre to happen, but directly responsible and intellectual authors. ** Conclusions: Analyzing the situation in the municipality of Chenalh�, the events that lead to the massacre of Acteal, the massacre itself and the events that followed we find that there are only two possible hypothesis. Either the authorities are guilty of an extraordinary negligence, and therefore incapable of covering the minimal functions of the authority. Or worse, they are deliberately and consciously carrying out a plan that implies the systematic violation of the most elementary human rights of the population. We would like there to be another explanation, but logically there is none: if the forces in charge of the public security remain hours contemplating while a gang of criminals massacres unarmed men, women and children, they have either reached the ultimate limit of irresponsibility and ineptitude or are accomplices of the massacre, and not just by mere omission. Those are the only two possibilities that fit, given the circumstances. Either one of the two is serious enough to justify an urgent call to the national and international and especially to the Human Rights Organizations to act and mobilize according to their functions and possibilities. This in order to avoid that executions and serious human rights violations, continue to occur unpunished in the State of Chiapas and so that the authorities provide protection for their citizens and punishment for the criminals. And not vice versa. regresar al principio ** Final Reflexions... Omission or Complicity: The kontra-free speeech assassinations or executions we presented here remain almost totally without punishment. With the exception of some of the material perpetrators and some public officials accused of omission, as in the case of Acteal, the perpetrators have not been arraigned before a judge. There are not even arrest warrants against them. The impunity implicates a responsibility by the authority because it is their responsibility to guarantee law and order. By permitting the impunity they fail one of their first national and international commitments. The conclusion of the IACHR in the Morelia case, could be a applied to all of the cases: The described violations in the present case demonstrate the Mexican State did not comply with the commitment of the Article 1.1 of the American Convention to respect the rights and liberties recognized in the Convention and to guarantee their free and total exercise with respect for any person under their jurisdiction. The States must prevent, investigate and sanction any violation of the rights recognized in the Convention... The active complicity of the State in many of these actions is not obvious, whereas the impunity is. But if complicity is not evident at first sight, it also cannot be easily discarded. There are elements for strong worry that demand an investigation and rigorous analysis. For example the observations by Human Rights Watch/Americas, that the Mexican Army "has never processed any of their members for crimes that include human rights violations committed during and after the conflict in Chiapas, in January of 1994." If the head of the Federal Executive Power is not responsible for these politics, some other person or group seems to have the power to make decisions. These are decisions of such high level that they influence the conduct of the Mexican Army, Governors and parts of the Ministry of Interior's office, as for example those of National Security. That alone, avoiding the highest authority of the country, constitutes a serious break in the State of Law and motivates, as shown in this document, serious human rights violations. The worst of those violations are torture, forced disappearances, arbitrary detentions and of course the executions. ** Money and Justice: In the case of the three peasants of Morelia[46] the Mexican Government let the IACHR know that inMarch of 1994 The Chiapas State Government authorized the payment of 22 thousand new Mexican pesos for the wives of Sebasti�n Santiz L�pez and Severiano Santiz G�mez, and 33 thousand new pesos for the concubine (sic) of Hermelindo Santiz G�mez.. The Commission commented that "it was very unlikely that this would have happened if the State Government had had doubts about the existence of the victims." Maybe to avoid that the IACHR would continue to draw conclusions (as if that payment implied a tacit recognition of responsibility) the Government explained that it had given these sums as a compensation ex gratia[48] and it took its generosity to the extreme by saying that if this seemed insufficient to the IACHR it was willing to pay more. To this date, after the publication of the Report 48/97, the only proposal the Government has made in this case is to reach a friendly arrangement of this kind. They are willing to pay however much money, as long as they don't have to admit any official responsibility for the violation of laws and human rights. This generosity is nothing else than the willingness to buy their impunity. When the Mexican Government is questioned by international individuals or groups about human rights violations in Chiapas, the response has been that the situation is being taken care of. As proof, it shows figures of investments and social programs channeled to the State. A few days after the massacre in Acteal, the Inter-American Human Rights Commission solicited complete information about the situation in Chiapas from the Mexican Government. It answered that Chiapas is the highest priority, as demonstrated by the fact that this State has received the highest proportion in four years of the decentralized federal budget demonstrates. Time and again we see that this pattern is being repeated: the authorities are willing to distribute material aide, But not to modify its conduct in terms of the administration and procuration of justice or the guarantee for security and the fundamental rights of its citizens. In the case of Acteal, when everybody except the authorities saw the tragedy coming, the CNDH solicited precautionary or preventative measures for the displaced in Chenalh� from the State Government. The government distributed humanitarian aide, but omitted the precautionary measures. After the massacre, before the indignation and strong reaction of the national and international public opinion, the Federal Government sent high State officials to visit communities in Chenalh�. They delivered humanitarian aide. The survivors of Acteal rejected the government's help responding that they were not willing to trade with the blood of their dead. This provoked enraged reactions in the high spheres of the Government. It was said that this was the attitude of those who reject the government's help in order to then say that the government had forgotten them. There is no understanding of the nature of the indigenous demands which are echoed in the words of the Bishop of San Crist�bal, Samuel Ruiz Garc�a: the indigenous do not want money nor presents, what they demand is respect for justice and for their dignity. ** Appendix I. / Extracts from Chapter 3 of the Report / Acteal: between Mourning and Struggle, (December 1998): If the response to Acteal was already prepared, the very operation against Acteal cannot be considered an accident. It is very likely that the paramilitaries trained by the Mexican Army learned from the same [Manual of Irregular War, Secretary of National Defense (SEDENA), 1995] the "operations of encirclement". This actions seem to have been put into practice in Acteal with the presence of General Julio Cesar Santiago D�az, together with elements of the Public Security Police. Such actions are defined in the Manual in the following way: encirclement is the most effective way to fix a guerrilla group for its destruction and annihilation. But it requires the use more forces. The same manual adds that one must ensure a complete encirclement. There are four ways of establishing this... In the "Cerco de Martillo y Yunque" [Circle of Hammer and Anvil] the reader can see an approximation of what occured in Acteal. The Public Security forces led by General Julio Cesar Santiago D�az were located in the school covering the road exit, as is indicated in the diagram under the name "Fuerza de Bloqueo" [Blockade Force] This can now be compared with the following scheme elaborated by this Center according to the testimonies of the survivors of Acteal: General Julio Cesar Santiago D�az in his declaration before the Public Ministry admitted that he was in Acteal, in the proximity of the school with the sub-official Felipe V�zquez Espinosa and about 40 members of the state police. Annex II. Tables of the Dead and Hospitalized Injured Persons from Acteal DEAD PERSONS FROM THE ACTEAL COMMUNITY (PGR) NUMBER OF THE BODY NAME SEX ESTIMATED AGE (YEARS) 1 Mar�a P�rez Oyalte Feminine 38 2 Martha Capote P�rez Feminine 14 3 Rosa V�zquez Luna Feminine 17 4 Marcela Capote Ruiz Feminine 30 5 Marcela Pucuj Luna Feminine 65 6 Loida Ruiz G�mez Feminine 13 7 Catalina Luna P�rez Feminine 65 8 Manuela P�rez Moreno o Manuela Paciencia Moreno Feminine 35 9 Manuel Santiz Culebra Masculine 65 10 Margarita M�ndez Paciencia Feminine 23 11 Marcela Luna Ruiz Feminine 22 12 Micaela V�zquez P�rez Feminine 9 13 Josefa V�zquez P�rez Feminine 8 14 Daniel G�mez P�rez Masculine 35 15 Sebasti�n G�mez P�rez Masculine 4 16 Juana P�rez P�rez o Florinda P�rez P�rez Feminine 32 17 Mar�a G�mez Ruiz Feminine 20 18 Victorio V�zquez G�mez Masculine 25 19 Ver�nica V�zquez Luna Feminine 25 20 Paulina Hernandez V�zquez Feminine 26 21 Juana P�rez Luna Feminine 2 22 Roselina G�mez Hern�ndez Feminine 4 23 Lucia M�ndez Capote Feminine 4 24 Graciela G�mez Hern�ndez Feminine 3 25 Marcela Capote V�zquez Feminine 18 26 Miguel P�rez Jim�nez Masculine 40 27 Susana Jim�nez Luna Feminine 30 28 Rosa P�rez P�rez Feminine 28 29 Ignacio Pucuj Luna Masculine 68 30 Mar�a Luna M�ndez Feminine 15 31 Alonso V�zquez G�mez Masculine 40 32 Lorenzo G�mez P�rez Masculine 30 33 Mar�a Capote P�rez Feminine 30 34 Antonio V�zquez Luna Masculine 30 35 Antonia V�zquez P�rez Feminine 25 36 Marcela V�zquez P�rez Feminine 26 37 Silvia P�rez Luna Feminine 9 38 Vicente M�ndez Capote Masculine 5 39 Guadalupe G�mez Hernandez Feminine 11 months 40 Micaela V�zquez Luna Feminine 2 41 Juana V�zquez Luna Feminine 2 42 Alejandro P�rez Luna Masculine 15 43 Juana Luna V�zquez Feminine 35 44 Juana G�mez P�rez Feminine 55 45 Juan Carlos Luna P�rez Masculine 12 INJURED WHO WERE HOSPITALIZED / MINORS OF AGE : No. NAME AGE RELEASE DATE 1 Juan V�zquez P�rez 5 17/1/98 2 Martha Oyalte P�rez 2 17/1/98 3 Luc�a V�zquez G�mez 7 17/1/98 4 Ernestina V�zquez G�mez 5 17/1/98 5 Zenaida Luna P�rez 4 21/1/98 6 Hermelinda Ruiz G�mez 6 8/1/98 7 Manuel de Jes�s Ruiz G�mez born on December 23 9/1/98 8 Efra�n G�mez Luna 4 3/2/98 9 Jer�nimo V�zquez P�rez 4 10 Pedro L�pez P�rez 9 INJURED WHO WERE HOSPITALIZED / ADULTS No. NAMES AGE RELEASE DATE 1 Catarina P�rez P�rez 15 28/1/98 2 Manuela P�rez Ruiz 60 17/1/98 3 Erasto Ruiz P�rez 18 18/1/98 4 Rosa G�mez P�rez 28 5 Catarina M�ndez Paciencia 20 11/2/98 6 Mariano V�zquez Ruiz 32 ** - Combination with municipoalities and Human Rights abuses? - The local authorities have a big role and responsibility on concrete cases when we researche the Security Measures for the Population - Connection with EU ? - Well, we exposed these reports to the EU authorities.. So began investigations and works by so called humanitarian foundations by whole EU members... At the least all the enthuastical authorities left the cases to the Swedish organizations... - Which one? - SIDA, ICJ, even the municialties like Stockholm stadshuset... They collected money to start any "alert action" for South America, including Mexica, Puerto Rico etc. - Advanced? - It should be advanced when they choose a "pilot area", Paraguay... They informed as project began there, money been sent to Paraguay and a justice solution model should spread in whole south of America... Also, EU pumped money and we tought that really a justice perform, huh... - What then? - Money and all the financial resources been looted by the Jewish Evangelian Co. thieves... - We didn't heard anything... - You can not hear anything when you listen their megaphones... - Maybe we can remember these thieves if you concrete Swedish collaboir names... - Here is the main figues of Scandinavia, for instance ICJsect members, municipialties... - Unfairness in the name of justice!.. - That is right... Sweden is most freak on such lotting because the juridical organizations choose only one figure, Jesus Alc�la and the munipialties choose only one Ghetto... We saw such films before in the occupied Middle East and most classical copies in Chile, Argentina fascism... Also, when the true journalists handle the matters so the gangsters hoose only one freak or create a kind of maffioso "contract insider"... - Insider contract to mislead the judges too... - Definitely... - By the way we get the true answer why the Palestinian&South; African delegations didn't allove to visit the Concentration Lager of Western and join a conference in the modernized Ghettos Sk�rholmen-S�tra stable lager - V�rBerg'nbelsen, Rinkeby, Rosengaard... - This is the connection... This is the refuseed report... - TT, Swedish tv-radio administrations refuseed these reports... - Who dominate these administrations? - Bonniers, Wallenbergs and their lapdogs... - Jews? - Jews and Evangelians!.. - Buldogs and lapdogs... - We agree with you, 'cause we understand you well!.. ** - South American open Fascist Regimes have many uniformed and non-uniformed Ariel Sharons... But EU authorities are most performed, smart; EU have smiling butchers... - Connex methodes? - Classical dictators always hurried up when they "cleansing the non-grata citizens"... But EU performed to use "patiental process'... Sweden still on the first place, by the advanced measures on persecution, execution system... - But we remember the lobotomy and sterilization cases... - Sure!... It happened in history...Swedish looters have modernized themselves, they built for example rival Concentration Lagers labelled "Jobbcentrum", there work the registration experts... Because we have our Chiapas like in Mexico, Machu Pichus like in Chilean dictatorship.. We have not only registrated intellectuals, but the Laponians... Our "Jobcentra" network have enormous datorized information about our own oppressed peoples in Sweden... - To help for a chance in the job life? - Kidding? System works to perform the elimination... Well, you can have a chance there if you not been registrate as regim critic... If thde Jewish lobbies give any positive references so you can chance in five days, according to an announcement by chief Lena Thorson.. Her eis publication; "Platsjurnalen... Jobbcentrum garanterar jobb inom fem dagar. Chefen bekr�ftar att de registrerade f�tt jobbet inom fem dagar..." But the one half million registrated people... They are not the human!.. This is a scandal if they happened by Stalin period... If Stalin prevented you 15 years from all your qualifiacation, so you should absolutely many prizes, including Nobels... Look at this page, Sir!..... It's regime's own paper, true!.. - I understand now better what "Swedish model" means... Ariel Sharon should join the new mentor practician sessions at the "jobbkurser" in Sweden.. - It's today's performed elimination center, pilot concentration satellite of New Jew Order bigger USrael ... - Definitely defination!.. ** - Tv redaction get a list today... On this document we can see the selected dirty figures of the zionist thieves by Thorson clan members... There are Svekish words, too, for example; "Lena Thorson, avdelningschef p� socialkontoret i Sk�rholmen, plundrat folkets egendom och delade ut den nedanlistade "israelv�nliga klanmedlemmarna..." - I understand.. Let's see; who were the close friends, plundered the wealth of local municipialty Skaerholmen? - Here are the main figures, advanced thieves of Thorson clan members&collaborated; instruments who still plundring the municipalities of Scandinavia and supporting the world dominated zionist mafia: Ann Amberntson & Bengt Thorson Tel. 0303-778074 �ketorp 7465, 444 93 SPEKER�D Ann Amberntson & Bengt Thorson Tel. 031-565131 L�kebergsg. 184, 423 34 TORSLANDA Johanna Andersson & Kristoffer Thorson Tel. 033-106071 Varbergsv. 18, 504 30 BOR�S Tove Andersson & Ola Thorson Tel. 031-248060 Verkm�stareg. 9, 417 57 Goetheburg Anne-Ida Evers-Thorson Tel. 0340-93040 N�sslinge, 430 17 SK�LLINGE Anne-Ida Evers-Thorson Tel. 0340-93002 Sl�ne 403, 430 17 SK�LLINGE Liselotte Falkbrink Thorson Tel. 0650-12421 Andra Parkg. 17, 824 43 HUDIKSVALL Ole Holm Thorson, F�nst.puts. Tel. 040-160371 Linn�g. 71B, 216 15 LIMHAMN Charlotte Isaksson & Mikael Thorson Tel. 08-6300555 Djursholmsv. 74, 183 57 T�BY Marie Odelberg & Lasse Thorson Tel. 0220-10096 �sv. 15, 734 40 HALLSTAHAMMAR Eva Rylander Thorson Tel. 08-56031193 Sj��ngsv. 7, 178 32 EKER� Eva Rylander Thorson Tel. 08-56032016 Sj��ngsv. 7, 178 32 EKER� Gunilla Staaf Thorson Tel. 08-251917 Skaldev. 32, 167 71 BROMMA Ann-Christine Svensson & Jan Thorson Tel. 031-441133 Smedjeg�rdsv. 23F, 433 32 PARTILLE Eva S�rhammar-Thorson Tel. 08-369101 Torulfsv. 10, 163 51 SP�NGA Alf Thorson & Gudrun Thorson Tel. 0340-651119 �sa Strandv. 2, 430 31 �SA Anders Thorson, Pol. mag. Tel. 08-250971 Runda v. 26B, 167 51 BROMMA Anders Thorson Tel. 0451-84847 L�redag. 1, 281 39 H�SSLEHOLM Anders Thorson & Ann-Sofie Thorson Tel. 08-7163779 Furuv. 1, 131 37 NACKA Ann Thorson, Aff.bitr. Tel. 035-210943 Ensl�vsv. 6, 302 47 HALMSTAD Anna Thorson Tel. 08-7204155 Bondeg. 53, 116 33 STOCKHOLM Bengt Thorson Tel. 033-239112 Skolg. 30, 503 33 BOR�S Bernt Thorson & Karin Thorson Tel. 0480-470908 Knarr�, 394 77 KALMAR Bernt Thorson & Karin Thorson Tel. 0481-12351 N. L�ngg. 27A, 382 35 NYBRO Bertil Thorson & Inger Thorson Tel. 0451-771110 L�nek�rr, 280 22 VITTSJ� Bo Thorson Tel. 08-253015 Stavg�rdsg. 93, 167 57 BROMMA Bo Thorson Tel. 0414-24057 Bollplansv. 12, 272 95 SIMRISHAMN Brita Thorson Tel. 08-7390564 Kirunag. 32, 162 68 V�LLINGBY Bruno Thorson, R�dman Tel. 0521-17192 Rattg. 124, 462 55 V�NERSBORG Carl-Gustav Thorson, Verkm�st. Tel. 0302-40585 Bratt�sv. 97, 443 42 GR�BO Caroline Thorson Tel. 0550-80933 Stor�ngsg. 2D, 681 43 KRISTINEHAMN Cecilia Thorson Tel. 0220-33773 Stenbov. 9, 735 34 SURAHAMMAR Christian Thorson & Anette H�kansson Tel. 0320-40636 �ppleg. 5F, 511 57 KINNA Christina Thorson Tel. 08-165705 Valhallav. 20, 114 22 STOCKHOLM Christina Thorson Tel. 08-225312 V�sterl�ngg. 68, 111 29 STOCKHOLM Christina Thorson Tel. 0340-676223 Sk�neg. 212, 432 30 VARBERG Dan Thorson & Marica Karlsson Tel. 0302-13799 Bentzels v. 24, 443 51 LERUM E Henry Thorson & Pirjo Thorson-Alho Tel. 033-133436 Stj�rnsk�ldsg. 4, 503 43 BOR�S Einar Thorson Tel. 0303-338222 Gustavs v. 42, 446 40 SKEPPLANDA Elin Thorson Tel. 046-132340 K�rsb�rsv. 15, 223 55 LUND Elisabet Thorson, Jur. kand. Tel. 0150-17653 Parkg. 10, 641 34 KATRINEHOLM Elisabet Thorson & Christina Thorson Tel. 0523-660383 Lyse, 453 91 LYSEKIL Elvy Thorson & Christer �kerberg Tel. 042-343219 Fj�llbackag. 3, 263 58 H�GAN�S Emanuel Thorson Tel. 0320-35802 Murareg. 2C, 511 55 KINNA Gerd Thorson, Gymnastikdirekt�r Tel. 08-250598 Dr�mstigen 9, 167 61 BROMMA Gerd Thorson, Gym. dir. Tel. 054-560307 Marg�rdsv., 653 42 KARLSTAD Gudrun Thorson Tel. 08-6685823 Heleneborgsg. 20, 117 32 STOCKHOLM Gun Thorson Tel. 033-139199 Liljebergsg. 21, 506 39 BOR�S Gun Thorson Tel. 031-238988 Ber�ttelseg. 24, 422 42 HISINGS BACKA Gunhild Thorson, Sm�sk.l�r. Tel. 0320-211399 G�rdesv. 9, 511 57 KINNA Gunilla Thorson, Folksk.l�r. Tel. 0303-338353 Fr�vet 360, 446 92 SKEPPLANDA Gunnar Thorson, Automatsk�t. Tel. 0227-10535 Drottningg. 33A, 736 31 KUNGS�R Gunnar Thorson Tel. 0303-84616 Uppeg�rdsv. 52, 444 43 STENUNGSUND Gunnar Thorson, Hissmont. Tel. 08-298566 Solvallav. 41, 172 37 SUNDBYBERG Gunnar Thorson Tel. 08-370054 �ngermannag. 6, 162 64 V�LLINGBY G�ran Thorson & Ingela Thorson Tel. 0303-742642 Lind�ngsv. 5A, 449 50 ALAFORS G�ran Thorson & Gunbritt Adolfsson Thorson Tel. 033-261314 K�rsb�rsv. 14, 513 50 SPARS�R Hans Thorson Tel. 0176-55930 Grans�tersg. 2C, 761 32 NORRT�LJE Hans-Olof Thorson, Purser Tel. 08-59111319 R�nnv. 15, 195 44 M�RSTA Herbert Thorson Tel. 031-535892 Byalagsg. 1, 418 74 Goetheburg Hubert Thorson Tel. 08-271038 Tuleg. 53, 113 53 STOCKHOLM Ingela Thorson & Pelle Thorson Tel. 0498-38154 Dalhem Dune, 620 23 ROMAKLOSTER Jan Thorson Tel. 0647-73003 Enafors 1352, 830 15 DUVED Jan Thorson Tel. 0176-233326 Anderssvedja, 761 75 NORRT�LJE Jan Thorson Tel. 08-52018951 Skolg. 41, 149 30 NYN�SHAMN Jan Thorson Tel. 0303-338640 Uddetorp, 446 94 SKEPPLANDA Jan Thorson Tel. 0303-776420 T�rner�d, 444 94 UCKLUM Jenny Thorson Tel. 08-7334848 Astronomiv. 37, 175 66 J�RF�LLA Jesper Thorson Tel. 0176-233301 Anderssvedja, 761 75 NORRT�LJE Johan Thorson Tel. 0340-622038 Espeviksv. 31, 432 96 �SKLOSTER J�rgen Thorson Tel. 054-181102 Karlag. 7, 652 23 KARLSTAD Karl Thorson Tel. 0498-219230 Klosterbrunnsg. 5, 621 56 VISBY Kent Thorson, Arborr. Tel. 031-981472 Grafitv. 5, 445 34 BOHUS Kent Thorson Tel. 0612-32141 Gr�mesta 335, 872 93 LUNDE Laila Thorson Tel. 018-341238 Bandyv. 3, 741 30 KNIVSTA Lars Thorson & Lena Thorson Tel. 0300-10253 H�kansg�rdsg. 20, 434 36 KUNGSBACKA Lena Thorson Tel. 0612-30266 F�llev. 14, 872 43 KRAMFORS Lennart Thorson Tel. 031-243155 Vaktm�stareg�ngen 2, 413 18 Goetheburg Lina Thorson Tel. 035-129413 F�gelv. 7, 302 37 HALMSTAD Magnus Thorson Tel. 011-3700478 Ektorpsg. 40, 603 74 NORRK�PING Mats Thorson Tel. 031-214487 Bagareg�rdsg. 9, 416 70 Goetheburg Mattias Thorson & Ida Nilsson Tel. 044-219643 V�ngav. 5, 291 36 KRISTIANSTAD Mikaela Thorson Tel. 08-850603 Ballongg. 1, 169 71 SOLNA Nanna Thorson Tel. 021-358983 Hammarbacksv. 5B, 724 67 V�STER�S Olof Thorson & Susanne Thorson Tel. 0340-621245 N. N�s Pl 572 A, 432 94 VARBERG Olof Ingvar Thorson Tel. 0340-621047 N. N�s 7596, 432 94 VARBERG Oskar Thorson Tel. 08-6122183 Byggm�starv. 20, 168 32 BROMMA Richard Thorson Tel. 031-7073339 Virginsg. 18B, 416 54 Goetheburg Rolf Thorson & Kerstin Thorson Tel. 054-521530 Segelv. 29, 663 40 HAMMAR� Senja Thorson Tel. 0303-338206 Uddetorp 120, 446 94 SKEPPLANDA Solveig Thorson, Jur. kand. Tel. 0523-660383 Alsb�ck 532, 453 91 LYSEKIL Staffan Thorson, Fil. dr. & Eva Thorson Tel. 031-412241 Solb�nksg. 18B, 413 19 Goetheburg Stig Thorson Tel. 031-445820 F�ngdammsv. 22, 433 43 PARTILLE Sture Thorson, Yrkesl�r. Tel. 0586-41780 �lsboda 6536A, 693 91 DEGERFORS Susanne Thorson Tel. 08-58500823 J�rntorget 83, 111 29 STOCKHOLM Thomas Thorson Tel. 0303-338226 Grolanda 175, 446 95 �LV�NGEN Thor Thorson Tel. 0303-336010 Ramstorp 340, 446 91 ALVHEM Thor Thorson, Lantbr. Tel. 0451-770004 H�rr�d, 280 23 H�STVEDA Thore Thorson & Margaretha Ivarsson Tel. 0300-63721 Hagards v. 15, 439 31 ONSALA Thore Thorson & Gun Thorson Tel. 0303-337359 Uddetorp Stenliden 115, 446 94 SKEPPLANDA Tor Thorson & Berit Thorson Tel. 031-296110 Floxg. 12, 426 68 V�STRA FR�LUNDA Ulf Thorson Tel. 0970-25252 Svangr�nd 2, 983 36 MALMBERGET Ulrika Thorson Tel. 08-59140151 Tingvallav. 98, 195 33 M�RSTA �ke Thorson & Ruth Thorson Tel. 0612-21714 Ed 1594, 873 92 BOLLSTABRUK �ke Thorson, Med. dr Tel. 031-403992 Danska v. 24, 412 74 Goetheburg �ke Thorson Tel. 031-279305 Bergmansg. 17, 431 30 M�LNDAL Gunilla Thorson Jonsson Tel. 08-58171096 �r�kers G�rd, 196 93 KUNGS�NGEN Frida Thorson �stermyr Tel. 046-2110228 M�sv. 2B, 227 33 LUND Christer �kerberg & Elvy Thorson Tel. 070-2890122 Fj�llbackag. 3, 263 58 H�GAN�S _____________________________________ Today's most visited links: Children Foundation: http://www.tamkeen.org/CSOs/PSCF/Index.html Children Treated Abroad: http://www.pcrf.net/abroad/abroad.html Civilized (!) Negro lapdog Condoleezza shows braveness by her Lords: http://www.gagarama.de/bush-praesident-specials/bush-pop-rice.htm Committee to Support the Revolution in Peru http://www.csrp.org/ Committee of the Union of Communists of Iran (Sarbedaran): http://www.sarbedaran.50megs.com/new_page_3.htm http://us.geocities.yahoo.com/gb/view?member=voice_sarbedaran http://us.geocities.yahoo.com/gb/sign?member=voice_sarbedaran Committee to Support the Revolution in Peru: http://www.csrp.org/ E-post: iec_cie@hotmail.com Comrade Raymond Luc LEVASSEUR: http://home.earthlink.net/~neoludd/ Comrade Sundiata ACOLI: http://afrikan.i-dentity.com/sundiata/ Comrade Tom MANNING: http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Parliament/3400/ Comrade TCHOLAKOV, Stefan Dimiter: http://web.domaindlx.com/choli/Links1.asp E-post: stefan@cholakov.com Court tv: http://www.courttv.com/casefiles/mumia/ Coventry Socialist Party's Anti-Zionist Forum: http://www.coventrysocialistparty.freeserve.co.uk/ Covert Action http://www.covertaction.org/ Crimes organized by Jews: http://www.theunjustmedia.com/jew%20organized%20crime.htm Kiruna city in the occupied Laponia In response to: Look, sociopath or not, such mud-slinging is rarely productive. We must start working on keeping him from being re-elected. I suggest we focus on the fact that despite America's ailing economy, he has done nothing to attempt to remedy it. It seems that for whatever reason, it's just not in this adminisration's agenda. They say they're worried about the deplorable conditions under which the Iraqi's live (wasn't the war originally about disarmament, not liberation?), but they don't seem to care about unemployment, poverty, healthcare, and education in this country they're supposed to be leading. Historically, presidents have been voted out because the economy was not improved. Let's work towards the end of the Bush (regime) administration.
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